This newspaper was more than irritated with some of Thabo Mbeki's policies, such as over-sensitive diplomacy towards Robert Mugabe and his unscientific questioning of the cause of HIV/AIDS, that slowed South Africa's response to the disease.

We, however, cannot endorse this ousting of Mr Mbeki by the African National Congress (ANC), that could tilt South Africa towards political instability and undermine its status as a stabilising force in Africa. There is also the potential for weakening the ANC's goodwill among people around the world, who supported the movement when it struggled against apartheid rule in South Africa.

Worrying events

The chain of events that have brought South Africa to this worrying path are not new, but have galloped recently. One day last week, a South African judge threw out corruption charges, relating to an arms deal, against Mr Mbeki's former deputy and rival, Mr Jacob Zuma, who was fired from the government because of his legal situation.

The judge's decision was based on a technicality but Justice Nicholson went further, suggesting that there might have been political interference in pressing the case against Mr Zuma, who, with his supporters, had long carried this line.

Late last year, the charismatic, popular and populist Mr Zuma, having beaten a rap of raping a HIV-positive family friend, ousted the aloof and cerebral Mr Mbeki as leader of the ANC.

Then, last week, his supporters, with grouses against Mr Mbeki, exacted full revenge by inveigling the ANC's national executive committee to 'recall' the president, that is telling him to step down as head of government and head of state before his term ends next April.

Mr Mbeki, with great dignity, announced he would comply. He will leave office this week at the formal installation by parliament of Mr Kgalema Motlanthe, who will keep the seat warm for Mr Zuma, until the ANC leader returns to the legislature after elections.

It is a development which declares the paramountcy of the party over the government. It is also what the respected anti-apartheid icon, Bishop Desmond Tutu, called a piece of "arrogant and cynical opportunism".

Consequences

But the Zuma faction may have misread the probable consequences. While he has not balked at the constitutional putsch against him, Mr Mbeki has appealed against Justice Nicholson's implication that he and his Cabinet pressed the case against Mr Zuma. That will only worsen rifts in the party and could daub more dirt on the ANC.

The party had hoped that the Cabinet would stay in place, allowing for a smooth transition. But, 11 ministers and two deputy ministers have said they will go with Mr Mbeki, although the finance minister, Trevor Manuel, in whom the markets have much faith, has suggested his willingness to carry on. While Mr Manuel may be useful for the short term, his policies do not reflect the flavour of the radical wing of the ANC that backs Mr Zuma.

Luckily, for the ANC, it faces no credible opposition and Mr Mbeki is not the figure to induce popular emotions. We, nonetheless, draw to the attention of the ANC the case of Grenada, 1983, when Maurice Bishop, in a culture of party paramountcy, was removed from office. The government imploded with violence.

Maybe, it is time, as Bishop Tutu suggested, for a directly-elected president.