With its economic boom of the last quarter-century, China is moving back towards its historical place at the centre of the global economy - 'China' does, after all, mean the middle or central kingdom. As a result of this growing economic power, the country's leaders decided the time had come to translate this prosperity into political, diplomatic and military power.

By and large, China's rather opaque leadership has done this effectively. With the United States tied up in the Middle East, China's diplomats have fanned across the globe, distributing largesse (did anyone say cricket stadium?) to grateful governments, in return for increased influence.

Militarily, China's limited capacity belies its status as an economic superpower. Nevertheless, China has been steadily modernising its military and improving its ability to operate beyond its borders.

Politically, China wields a particularly strong tool: its huge stock of assets that are lodged in its rival, the US. Although not a blunt tool, the leverage its reserves give China in its relations with the US signal that the country has entered the big league.

It is a remarkable turnaround for a country that, just decades ago, was insular, poor and tearing itself apart over Maoist ideology.

World glory

However, if the Chinese are enjoying a return to world glory that the country has not felt in over a century, it is also discovering the hard way that being in the big league isn't always all it's cracked up to be.

China was all too eager to signal that it had reached centre stage with its showcase Olympics. The Beijing games will probably be a success. Nonetheless, the extra media attention the country is getting can be turned against it. Pro-Tibet protesters have skillfully used the Olympic torch relay to highlight their grievances.

In the days when China turned its back on the world, it could ignore such things. Today, eager as the country is to maintain its diplomatic gains, that becomes harder.

Economic liberalisation

Indeed, protests have not only been happening in China, as well as abroad; but they have been broadcast to the world in a way unimaginable in the days when China's authorities closely controlled its citizens' lives.

That fact can probably not get enough emphasis. Not only the world's eyes are on the Chinese government; so, too, are those of its own citizens. Economic liberalisation and increased mobility have caused citizen protests to multiply. Despite the tight hold of the Chinese Communist Party on power, controls have necessarily weakened. Equally, while censorship remains strong, a Chinese blogosphere has developed. It, in turn, has enabled news of events in China to get out to the world, and communication from the outside world to enter China, more easily.

None of this means that the Chinese leadership's grip on power is about to loosen. Citizen protests may have made China a bit less stable. But as yet, there is little evidence that the regime faces a serious threat. Equally, as vibrant as Chinese civil society is becoming, there are still few signs that a swelling democracy movement is about to overtake the land.

Very significantly, in light of recent events, there is scant reason to believe the Chinese will give much ground to the Tibetan independence movement. China has solidified its hold on the region, and Chinese have been migrating into it.

big player

Nonetheless, the country's rulers are finding out just how difficult it is for a big player to go unnoticed. The Communist Party can still maintain some degree of control at home. But when it goes abroad, and when it invites foreigners in, the ruling party finds it ever more difficult to control its image.